Try and try again By Gerald M. Steinberg Jerusalem Post - Friday, October 30, 1998 (October 30) - Americans who grew up reading the comics are familiar with a character named Charlie Brown - a well-intentioned but naive boy who spends his days struggling with the challenges of life. Every year, at the beginning of football season (the American version), "poor old Charlie Brown" agrees to test his kicking skills. Lucy, his worldly wise neighbor, promises to hold the ball in the kicking position, so that Charlie Brown can take a full-speed run-up to it. And then, just as he reaches the ball, Lucy pulls it away, and Charlie Brown ends up flat on his back. The following year, Lucy promises that she has reformed, and is no longer interested in subjecting the young boy to ridicule. So, after pondering the issue for some time, Charlie Brown decides to trust Lucy, starts his run up, reaches the ball, and "wham," he falls on his face. Lucy, it turns out, has not finished teaching him the ways of the world. Israel and the Jewish people are a collective Charlie Brown, with the Clinton administration and Palestinians teaming up as Lucy. When the official rhetoric and massages from the spin doctors are stripped away, the Wye Memorandum, with its Palestinian pledges to halt terror and the hate speech that fuels it, are further versions of previous promises. We have heard it all before - at Oslo and Washington in 1993, in the 1994 Gaza-Jericho agreement, the interim agreement of September 1995, and after the January 1997 Hebron Agreement. At each stage, the Palestinians gain control over more land, making irreversible progress toward an independent state, while repeating the same promises. Each time, we are given solemn assurances that now the Palestinians really mean it. As part of the Oslo process, Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin exchanged formal letters, in which the PLO renounced the use of terrorism and other acts of violence, and pledged to convey this message by amending the Palestinian Covenant. However, the terror and incitement continued, and the Palestinian National Council has yet to receive or consider an amended text. Two years later, the interim agreement established the Palestinian Police force in order to "act systematically against all expressions of violence and terror," confiscate illegal firearms, and "arrest and prosecute individuals suspected of perpetrating acts of violence and terror." This pledge came amidst a series of suicide bombings and other acts of violence against Israel, and only a few months before the wave of terror in early 1996 that effectively froze the process. The Palestinians got their "police force," and expanded its number far beyond the agreed limits, but these pledges were not implemented. In the Hebron Note for the Record, signed less than two years ago, the Palestinian Authority promised to mend its ways. In the text, the PA "reaffirms its commitment" to complete the process of revising the Palestinian Covenant; to "combat systematically and effectively terrorist organizations and infrastructure"; to strengthen security cooperation with Israel; to apprehend, prosecute, and punish terrorists; to reduce the size of the paramilitary force; and to prevent "incitement and hostile propaganda." These requirements were also as specified in the 1995 interim agreement, also signed in Washington, but had to be repeated again in 1997 (and once again last week at Wye) because they were not honored. In the Wye agreement, the Palestinians have made these pledges for the third or fourth time since Oslo, promising "zero tolerance for terror," a real effort to apprehend, prosecute, and punish terrorists, and a reduction in the size of its bloated armed forces to the level specified in the earlier agreements. The PA also pledged to develop a "work plan" to be "shared with" the US "to ensure the systematic... combat of terrorist organizations." In practice, this means that in addition to Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation mechanisms set up earlier, CIA officials will meet with Palestinian security officials on a biweekly basis. In the previous cases, Arafat and the PA made no move to even attempt to show that their actions might match their words and commitments with respect to terrorism and incitement. They did not attempt to disarm Hamas and destroy the terrorist infrastructure. This time, immediately after the White House signing ceremony, the PA launched a highly publicized raid on the offices of Fatah in Ramallah. This action, which led to protests, violence, and one fatality, may have been designed to show that Arafat is indeed serious this time. However, past behavior suggests that the objective was to create the illusion of action, while again avoiding a clash with Hamas. Despite the abysmal track-record, the Israeli government and, more importantly, the public appear to be willing to give the "peace and security process" yet another chance. Like Charlie Brown running up to kick the ball, hoping that this time, finally, his partners will fulfill their obligations, and he will not end up flat on his back, we remain cautiously hopeful. But unlike a fictional character in a comic strip, for us, there is a limit. For the Oslo process, this really is the last chance.