Barak's last trump By Ariel Sharon (September 22) - In the Sidney Olympics, world records are being broken in virtually every branch of sport. At home, Prime Minister Ehud Barak is busy breaking new records with his concessions on Jerusalem, with breaking his promises to his electors, and with his marathon to achieve an agreement at almost any price before US President Clinton steps down. Barak is declaring all understandings reached at Camp David null and void, while simultaneously, the US Ambassador to Israel, Martin Indyk, has stated "there is no other solution but to share the Holy City." Barak's envoys are feverishly discussing "creative solutions on the Temple Mount" in an attempt to get the negotiations going again. "Israel," say the prime minister's sources, "is positively considering" the latest American proposal to transfer sovereignty of the Temple Mount to the UN Security Council, with responsibility for maintaining order being entrusted to soldiers from those countries on the council. Barak, of course, denies this. Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat is sure that in the process Barak will be pressured, and agree to further concessions before the new target date - the dissolution of the US Congress in October. It is obvious that Palestinians refuse to recognize the legitimacy of Jewish historical claims and rights to the State of Israel, with regard to Jerusalem and the Temple Mount. Barak, however, has already hastily recognized Palestinian claims. Among the "creative solutions" stands out the Palestinian-backed attempt to revive, by degrees, UN Resolution 181: the partition plan of November 29, 1947, the internationalization of Jerusalem. Barak, according to his confidants, is "positively considering the American proposal." Arafat is prepared only for "Islamic internationalization" of the Temple Mount, under the control of the Supreme Jerusalem Committee (a.k.a. Palestinian sovereignty). Barak's latest concessions regarding the Temple Mount lead to implicit agreement with UN Resolution 181: the partition plan. This decision is null and void from every aspect: It was rejected by the Arabs in 1947 when Israel agreed to it. Instead, the Arab countries invaded Israel in 1948. All Israeli governments have rejected it out of hand. There is no legal international basis for the peace agreements associated with the Madrid Conference of 1991. The sole valid decisions which form a basis for the entire peace process are UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338. Acceptance of clauses in UN Resolution 181 would represent a dangerous precedent, leading to demands for additional concessions with which Israel cannot comply. In my conversation with Barak when he was at the Millennium Summit, I warned Barak that he was about to make historical mistakes that the Jewish people would neither accept nor forgive. I told him that he could still extricate himself from this trap. I am now afraid that in his efforts to achieve an agreement, he is ready to stake everything on his last trump: recognition of a Palestinian state without receiving Palestinian agreement to end the conflict, after having relinquished most of Israel's strategic and historical assets. The Americans are hurriedly composing a document to include all agreements and understandings achieved at Camp David, and all issues still in dispute. This is in order to cash in all the IOUs Barak has already signed. After Barak gave up the Jordan Valley and the security zones; he agreed to return more than 90% of Judea and Samaria; he agreed to uproot settlements, and to the return of Palestinian refugees to the region. A leader must be capable of making a historical distinction between compromise proposals which the Jewish people and the State of Israel can tolerate, and "creative" proposals that David Ben-Gurion in his time, and all subsequent prime ministers, threw into the garbage can of history. I have already warned many times that all these "creative" proposals will result in the partition of Jerusalem, in its division into ghettos, and in constant friction between Jewish neighborhoods under Israeli rule, and Arab neighborhoods under Palestinian rule. There are moreover no guarantees of law enforcement, preservation of security, protection of traffic routes, and prevention of potential confrontation. We have already learned from history the lessons of Belfast, Beirut, and Berlin. We must not repeat them. A unified Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty will be safer and more stable than any "creative solution" of partition. Consequently, the sole "creative" solution to the trap of Jerusalem and the Temple Mount is early elections and the creation of a government that will act in order to bring real peace for generations. The head of our present government has already raised his hand against the holy places of Israel. Lasting peace with a united Jerusalem, and the Temple Mount forever in our possession is in our hands. The writer is chairman of the Likud.